In Hungary and France Victor Orbán and Marine Le Pen celebrate as if they had won the Italian elections. In Moscow, Putin’s men hope that the relationship with the new government in Rome will be “more constructive”. On the other front, the various leaders of European Social Democracy are putting up a halt or unbalancing themselves in the school’s prophecy about any populism: “It will be a catastrophe.” But you know, these worlds run to the rescue of the SOS of the Italian left, which is experiencing another tragic moment, and aim to wear down the new balance as they often did in the past with the Cav at Palazzo Chigi.
The unborn Meloni government, therefore, is caught between flattery and threats. Pulled by the jacket or object of more or less veiled intimidation. The most pragmatic position was that of Washington. Secretary of State Antony Blinken declared that the US administration “is anxious to work” with the new government “because Italy is a fundamental ally, a strong democracy and a precious partner”. A kick in the shins of Enrico Letta and his companions. Obviously, the request is to maintain the foreign policy line starting with the Ukraine question.
And here we come to a food for thought for the sovereign souls of the new majority. Never before has the country needed to build strong ties with traditional allies in Washington and Brussels in order to face the international unknowns and the economic crisis: the pandemic, the war and now the gas crisis show that you are not saved if you isolate yourself, that the big choices are made in Europe or NATO. The fall of the British economy, daughter of Brexit, is the latest confirmation of this. This is why there is no joking about foreign policy. And, to tell the truth, after the pandemic our populists have changed their positions: by now the Italexit, for years a leitmotiv, has been deleted from their vocabulary. Everyone admits that we need to be there in Europe, perhaps defending the country’s interests more.
The point, therefore, is to keep the bar straight and leave no doubts on the rate of Atlanticism and Europeanism of the new executive. Because it is one thing to dissect with ruthlessness on these issues when you are in opposition or in the shelter of a technical government, another is to indulge in extravagant theories when you are in the control room. There the echo of the speeches made and the sensitivity of our allies increase dramatically. This is the first proof of reliability and, to quote Meloni, of “responsibility” for the center-right majority. A test he cannot avoid: in the first Republic, foreign policy was not a point of the government program, but the precondition for it to be born; in recent years, the walls collapsed, the attention towards these issues had faded, but now that the hands of history have been moved back our interlocutors no longer tolerate distractions. And after all, the function of Forza Italia in the coalition is precisely that of “guaranteeing” that Italy will continue to be a garrison of Europe and the West. An essential role to which Silvio Berlusconi’s party cannot abdicate and which perhaps also explains his electoral hold.