Today we will see what resources and what measures the center-right government, sorry center-right, by Giorgia Meloni will be able to put in place to cope with the expensive bills, inflation, the risk of collapse of our production system due to the crisis energy. We will find out if other resources will be found in addition to the 10 billion euros bequeathed by Draghi: this year perhaps it will reach 15 billion thanks to the calculation of the positive trend in GDP in the third quarter; for the next, the Nadef should contain a gap in the budget of more than 3.4% in the deficit-GDP ratio imagined by the previous government, reaching 4.5% (about 20 billion euros more available). If this is the extremely rigid economic framework (yesterday the Premier went to Brussels to probe the mood of the EU), it will be necessary, in order to meet households and businesses, to identify additional tools, starting with the reduction of the tax wedge on paychecks, or to the scrapping or cancellation of tax bills, or, more generally, to measures aimed at “fiscal peace”.
From the very beginning, the tax authorities could have been the workhorse with which the Meloni government could mark a “discontinuity” with the past on the real emergency, that is, the economy. It is the identity argument of the center-right par excellence, even the question on which it was born almost thirty years ago. Except that it was the mark of origin of the center-right, the new formula of the coalition, that is, the right-center, on the other hand, has other distinctive features more similar to the right, that is, it prefers the Law & Order philosophy. It is no coincidence that the executive started with the decree-law on “raves”, has engaged in a new tug-of-war with the Union on immigration (given the attitude of Germany it was good and right), and has placed – in deference to the “liberal” obsession, so to speak, of the right of the last two years – the issues of Covid linked to the No-Vax (the reintegration of doctors who refused the vaccine).
All arguments that exist, God forbid. But, for example on “raves”, perhaps it was enough to intervene in current legislation, or with a provision reduced in implications to avoid having to rewrite it after a few days. But that theme is precisely identity, it served as a bass drum, so a more modulated intervention would not have served the purpose. Because it was necessary to offer already in the first council of ministers the image of a “discontinuity” also with the center-right, inverting the elements of the formula in the right-center. At the cost of embarrassing the liberal and guarantor soul of the coalition, starting with the Minister of Justice Carlo Nordio.
Yes, because Giorgia Meloni’s real bet is to govern this country no longer with a moderate “approach”, but with a marked right-wing identity. “You must warn me – it is the prayer he addresses daily to the closest people – if I change”. This is the news. In almost thirty years of bipolarism, governments – apart from the “technicians” – have succeeded one another, on the right or on the left, either by a liberal center (Berlusconi), or by a Catholic-post-Christian Democrat center (Prodi, Letta, Renzi). The D’Alema government (the first and only government that ended badly led by an ex-communist) or Conte’s yellow-green or yellow-red governments that made the country feel the thrill of running at 300 km ‘now on the edge of a precipice. Now it’s up to Meloni and time will show whether it was a winning bet, or a gamble.